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WHY CYPRUS SHOULD NOT JOIN
THE EU - YET
By MICHAEL STEPHEN –
October 2001
Negotiations between the EU and the Greek Cypriots on the
technical requirements
for accession are almost concluded, but it does not follow
that their application for membership
(claiming to act on behalf of Cyprus as a whole) has to be
accepted.
The EU
Helsinki Summit said that it was not essential for the
Greek Cypriots first to settle
their differences with the Turkish Cypriots, and the EU
thereby made a Cyprus settlement
almost impossible. The Greek Cypriots since then have seen
EU
membership as a means by which they could bring political,
economic, and even
military pressure to force a settlement on their own
terms. However, at Helsinki the
EU did NOT pledge that the Greek Cypriot application would
be accepted.
The Greek
Cypriots are good publicists, but they do not have right
on their side. It was the
policy of their own political and religious leadership
which tore Cyprus apart in 1963 and
evicted the Turkish Cypriots from all their constitutional
positions in the Republic.
British Prime Minister, Sir Alec Douglas-Home, said in his
memoirs that if
the Greek Cypriot leader could not treat the Turkish
Cypriots as human beings he was
inviting the invasion and partition of the Island." The
Turkish Cypriots did not "secede" -
they were thrown out.
British Air
Chief Marshal Sir Michael Graydon recalled "No one who
lived as I did in Cyprus
in the 1960's will forget what was happening then. It was
an attempt at the
systematic elimination of one part of the community. It
was ethnic cleansing before that
phrase came into vogue in the Western media." For the full
story of the appalling
treatment which the Turkish Cypriots received from the
Greek Cypriots for eleven
years, despite international guarantees, and the actual
presence of UN troops in Cyprus
slink March 1964. see "The Genocide Files" by Harry
Scott-Gibbons (ISBN
0-9514464-2-8). It Is astonishing that the UN and the EU
have allowed the Greek
Cypriots to profit from their terrible crimes by dealing
with them since 1963 as the government
of Cyprus, and this has to change.
The tragedy
was caused by deep racial hatred against ethnically
Turkish people, especially
in the Greek Orthodox Church, and an obsessive ambition to
dominate the
whole island. These causes persist to this day and are an
insuperable obstacle to a settlement
unless International attitudes toward the Greek Cypriots
change. The
Greek Cypriots will not otherwise agree to a two-state or
confederal settlement because it
would put an end to their ambition - they will agree only
to a federation with strong
central powers which they might eventually control - to
which the
Turkish Cypriots could never be expected to agree.
The Turkish
Cypriots were squeezed into 3% of the island until their
rescue by
Turkish soldiers in 1974, and the world showed no concern
for violations of their human
rights far worse than those of which the Greek Cypriots
constantly complain.
The UN
Security Council has never accused Turkey of invasion or
occupation, nor called for
the withdrawal of Turkish troops. Turkish Cypriots are not
going to put themselves
back into danger, whatever the economic inducements and
conciliatory
words, nor to rely again on international "guarantees"
even within the EU.
If the
Czechs, Slovaks, Croatians, East Pakistanis, Timorese and
others can have their own
state, why not the Turkish Cypriots? It would not be the
smallest UN
member. The Turkish Cypriots have not acquired territory
by force" and there is no
"occupied area" In Cyprus - on the contrary it is
the Greek Cypriots who usurped the
government of Cyprus and destroyed the Republic by
force. All the Turkish Cypriots have done
is to survive, and to establish with the aid of Turkey a
safe haven in the
island of their birth where they can live in peace
free from Greek Cypriot oppression.
The Greek
Cypriots who fled from the north have only their own
leaders to blame, and they could have been compensated long ago if their
leaders had not wished to use them
for propaganda.
A new
association between the two peoples of Cyprus might have
been possible had not the EU
yielded to Greek pressure and made such a stupid mistake
at Helsinki, but
even then the prospects were not good. The prospects were
not good because the world treats the Greek Cypriots as the
Government of Cyprus. They have no legal or
moral right to that status, and the British Government
said on l2th March 1964 that
"Cyprus Government" could mean only a government which
acts with the
concurrence of its Turkish Cypriot and Greek
Cypriot members. There has been no concurrence
since 1963, and there is no “doctrine of necessity" which
entitles one partner to assault and terrorize the other and then
claim the right to run the state
alone.
For so long
as the Greek Cypriots thank they can keep their
"governmental" status, and keep
the Turkish Cypriots isolated and under economic pressure,
they will not settle. It
is important to Greek Cypriot strategy to appear to be
negotiating, but they are paying
mere lip-service to the UN process. Realising that the UN
talks were going
nowhere, the Turkish Cypriots suspended them in November
last year, but as long ago as
March 1986 they had accepted a UN plan which the British
government endorsed.
Premature
accession of Cyprus would bring little or no benefit to
the EU and would import
serious legal and practical problems. The acquis could not
apply throughout the island.
Further, it is to be expected that the Greek Cypriots
would always veto Turkey’s
entry into the EU if they were to get in, though they
would of course deny any such
intention. Greek Cypriot membership would mean the
effective end of Turkey's
application, and would wreck Europe's relations with that
country of 65
million people of enormous strategic and commercial
importance, especially in
relation to the energy resources of the Caspian, Iran and
Iraq, and the fight against terrorism.
Europe‘s self-inflicted loss would be a major gain for the
Americans and others. The
idea that Turkey can be induced to betray the Turkish
Cypriots in
pursuit of its own EU aspirations is both unprincipled and
unrealistic.
There are
less than a million Greek Cypriots, and there is no
conceivable reason why the EU
should take such risks for their sake. The Greek Cypriots,
using their unjustified governmental status, occupy the
"Cyprus" chair in all international institutions, and have
lobbied hard in the EU, especially in the European
Parliament, spending millions on publicity and
hospitality. They control all the "Cyprus" embassies, they
deny the Turkish
Cypriots an official voice in
the world, and enforce a cruel embargo upon their trade
and communications which has forced some Turkish Cypriots
to emigrate and reinforces distrust and enmity between the
two peoples. The Greek Cypriots have also extracted
one-sided judgements and resolutions from international
institutions, including the Loizidou case in the ECHR
(1996-VI, p. 2223). It should be noted that the courts
have never examined the Greek Cypriot claim to be the
government of Cyprus - they have simply noted political
decisions to that effect, and based their judgements upon
them. The embargo is not however just the result of recent
court cases - it has been going on since 1963, without any
authority under Chapter VII of the UN Charter.
The difficulty with the UN in
Cyprus is that it has taken the Greek Cypriot side against
the Turkish Cypriots on the fundamental question whether
the Greek Cypriots have any right to be treated as the
Government of Cyprus, and has thereby disabled itself as
an impartial intermediary. The Turkish Cypriots met the
Secretary-General in Salzburg on 28th August 2001, but
they no longer find UN mediation useful and have for the
time being declined further UN offers of help. Following
the Salzburg meeting the Turkish Cypriot President, the
English-educated Barrister, Rauf Denktaţ, invited the
Greek Cypriots for direct talks but they refused.
The ball is now in the court
of the EU and the international community. If they want a
Cyprus settlement they will have to treat the two peoples
of the island on an equal basis, and make it clear that
there will be no EU membership until both agree to it.
Cyprus is the home of the Turkish Cypriots as well as the
Greek Cypriots and neither has the right to take the
island into the EU without the consent of the other.
Further, unless Turkey agrees, Cyprus is prohibited from
joining the EU by Article 1 of the 1960 Cyprus Treaty of
Guarantee, which has still not been evaluated by the
Commission. Still further, Britain and Greece are bound to
veto accession by Article 2 of the Cyprus Treaty, which
has so far been ignored by them.
The Turkish
Cypriots would welcome eventual Cyprus EU membership as
two states or one, but
they will not join the "Cyprus" delegation for current EU
negotiations because
they, correctly, consider the application to be illegal
and do not recognize any
"Government of Cyprus," and because they, again correctly,
consider that accession
terms cannot be concluded until a settlement has first
been agreed in
Cyprus. There would have to be very important derogations
from EU norms, the
nature and extent of which have not yet been agreed, and
which may not even be
capable of agreement.
And what of
the Greek threat to veto enlargement? It is absurd that
the Greek tail should be
allowed to wag the European dog on an issue of such
importance. The
other Member States will have to stand up to them and make
it clear that they will not be
allowed to precipitate a major crisis between Turkey and
the EU and with the other
applicant states:
Michael Stephen is a former
Member of the British Parliament, and is the author of
,"The Cyprus Question" (ISBN
0-9540840-0-4). He is an international lawyer and a
Member of the Royal Institute
of International Affairs (Chatham House).
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