THE  APPLICATION BY THE GREEK CYPRIOT ADMINISTRATION OF ALL ENCOMPASSING EMBARGOES AGAINST THE TURKISH CYPRIOT PEOPLE

The restrictive measures applied by the Greek Cypriot side against the Turkish Cypriot people dates back to December 1963, when the Greek Cypriots launched a systematic campaign of ethnic cleansing of the Turkish Cypriot people. Between 1963 and 1974 the Turkish Cypriot people were forced to live in 3% of the island under inhuman conditions caused by very stringent and senseless economic sanctions imposed by the Greek Cypriots, which, as stated in the Secretary-General’s report to the Security Council dated 10 September 1964, “included materials, cement, iron in bulk/iron, rods, wire netting, electrical equipment, transistorised and other batteries, timber, large bags, automobile accessories and parts, tyres, sulphur and chemicals as well as fuel in large quantities. Secondly, it imposed restrictions on the importation of Red Crescent supplies for the relief of the population”. The extent and severity of these restrictions were such that, in the abovementioned report the then Secretary-General described the living conditions of the Turkish Cypriot people as amounting to a “veritable siege”.

Being relieved from eleven years of Greek Cypriot oppression and discrimination by the timely intervention of Turkey in 1974, the Turkish Cypriot people now live under the secure umbrella of their own  State enjoying peace and freedom. In spite of this, however, the Turkish Cypriot people continue to face an all-embracing embargo applied by the Greek Cypriot side and an intensive campaign of hostile propaganda, which purports among other things to isolate the Turkish Cypriot people from the rest of the world.

Since 1963, the international community, in treating the Greek Cypriot administration as the “Government of the Republic of Cyprus”, has allowed the Greek Cypriot side to use its usurped title as an instrument of coercion against the Turkish Cypriot people. The Greek Cypriot administration of Southern Cyprus, purporting to be the “Government of the Republic of Cyprus”, has been trying, with the full support of Greece, to deny our people the right to engage in political, economic, social, cultural and sporting contacts with the rest of the world.

Although these embargoes are imposed or instigated by the Greek Cypriot administration, the international community, whether intentionally or not, participates in them in consequence of their treatment of the Greek Cypriot side as if it were the “legitimate government of the whole of Cyprus”. This is the main reason why these embargoes are effective. The Greek Cypriot administration will continue to impose these inhuman embargoes on the Turkish Cypriot people so long as they are allowed to get away with their illegal seizure of power in 1963.  By choosing to overlook or even condone these embargoes, the international community is perpetuating the denial to the Turkish Cypriot people of their most basic human rights.

The inhuman and illegal embargoes imposed on the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus are in blatant violation of the spirit of the UN Charter and in contravention of the relevant international human rights instruments.

The all-encompassing Greek Cypriot embargoes range from denying the Turkish Cypriot people the right of representation in international fora; to preventing or restricting their travel abroad and their communication with the outside world; to curtailing the trade and tourism between Northern Cyprus and the outside world; and to hampering all cultural and sporting relations of the Turkish Cypriot people with other countries, even with Turkey; and to attempting to prevent the academic cooperation of TRNC universities with universities of other countries. The following are a few concrete examples:

a)      In February 1998, the Greek Cypriot Football Federation made strong representations to the Federation of International Football Association (FIFA) in protest of a Turkish Cypriot proposal to hold unofficial friendship games in the TRNC. The Greek Cypriot Football Federation went as far as sending some of its officials to FIFA Headquarters in Zurich in order to prevent the Turkish Cypriot proposal from being accepted, alleging that this would lead to the recognition of the Turkish Cypriot Football Federation and thus the lifting of the embargo on the sporting activities of the Turkish Cypriot people. In the end, the games were cancelled.

In September 1998, A German soccer team, Bad Lippspinge was fined 20,000 US Dollars by FIFA for having a football match with the Turkish Cypriot team Çetinkaya.

Another act by the Greek Cypriots aimed at preventing the sporting activities of the Turkish Cypriot side concerns the friendly matches which took place in Böhmzwiesel, Germany between the Turkish Cypriot soccer team, Çetinkaya and two German soccer teams, namely SV Hutthrum and TSV Waldkirchen in June 2000. The Greek Cypriot representatives in Berlin exerted intense efforts and pressures on the town of Waldkirchen and the authorities of the Ausschuss für Jugend und Sport (Commission for Youth and Sport), with the aim of preventing the Turkish Cypriot team from having football matches with the German teams. In spite of the Greek Cypriot administration’s pressures and the campaign of defamation and misinformation, the German Football Association, exhibiting a balanced and impartial approach, did not cancel the games and they were played as scheduled.

On 7 May, 2001 the Greek Cypriot daily, Politis, reported that the Greek Cypriot administration sent letters of protest to the participating countries in the “12th International Eastern Mediterranean Yachts Rally”, whose contestants called at Girne harbour during the competition.

The Greek Cypriot policy in the sporting field that only Greek Cypriots can represent “Cyprus” is particularly abhorrent given the fact that sports in Cyprus have historically been in the context of the Turkish Cypriot and Greek Cypriot sports organizations and that under the 1960 Agreements sports was considered a “communal affair”, with authority in this regard being vested in the respective Communal Chambers of the two sides. Religion, education, culture, and sports were specifically defined as communal affairs under Articles 86, 87, 89, 108, and 182 of the 1960 Constitution and administered separately.

b)      As a result of the unwarranted Greek Cypriot claim that all ports in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus are “illegal”, the international community is restricting not only the freedom of movement of Turkish Cypriots but also the visitors who would like to come to the TRNC. Since the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO) has refused, in a letter dated 29 December 1986, to include Ercan State Airport in the TRNC as an international airport on the alleged grounds that “ICAO recognizes the government of the Republic of Cyprus as the only legitimate government of that State.... (and) the government of the Republic of Cyprus has not requested the inclusion of Ercan airport in the ICAO Regional Plan and as such it is not and cannot be considered an international airport in ICAO terms,” travel to the TRNC can only take place via Turkey. This requirement of a stopover in Turkey increases the time and cost of the flight, thus hampers trade, causes undue inconvenience to the visitors and discourages them from visiting the TRNC.

c)      The Greek Cypriot authorities, with the aim of ruining the economy of the TRNC, have been trying to hinder travel and trade through TRNC’s seaports also. Penalties have been imposed on foreign ships that call at these ports, which involve the arrest of ship captains, if, they later call at Greek Cypriot ports. Moreover, the Greek Cypriot authorities have been putting pressure on foreign countries not to accept TRNC registered ships at their seaports. 

On 13 June 1998 the Greek Cypriot daily Machi reported that Mr. Piter Oto Meyer (55), a German yachts captain who participated in the “International Eastern Mediterranean Yachts Rally” and anchored at Girne harbour was later arrested by the Greek Cypriot administration during a visit to South Cyprus.  He was arrested upon anchoring at the port of Limassol. Mr. Meyer was put under arrest for three days and was fined 450 Cyprus Pounds before being released.  

At a press conference on 2 April 2001, the Greek Cypriot leader, Mr. Glafcos Clerides admitted that they imposed an embargo on the TRNC ports, including airports, by declaring them closed. He went on to say that the “…embargo wouldn’t be lifted until the Cyprus question was solved.”  

d)      The Greek Cypriot administration refuses entry for all foreign visitors into South Cyprus if these visitors have chosen to enter into the island through the seaports and airports in the TRNC.  

On 19 June, 2001 the Greek Cypriot daily, Machi reported that Mr. Osman Kein from Sierra Leone who entered the island through TRNC and crossed to South Cyprus was arrested and sentenced to jail for three months for entering the island through a Turkish Cypriot port. 

In contrast when foreign visitors enter the island through the seaports and airports in South Cyprus, the Turkish Cypriot authorities allow them to visit Northern Cyprus. However, the duration of this visit is limited by the Greek Cypriot authorities to a day and visitors are not allowed to stay overnight in the TRNC. As part of this policy tourists are not allowed to purchase any goods or souvenirs from the North. 

The Greek Cypriot administration goes further and tries to prevent tourists from visiting TRNC. The Greek Cypriot weekly published in the English language, The Cyprus Weekly, reported in its issue of 7-13 September 2001  that as a result of the Greek Cypriot administaration’s protest,  American soldiers stationed in Ýncirlik, Turkey, who came to spend their holiday in the TRNC had to cut  their holiday short and return to Turkey.    

Furthermore, the Greek Cypriot administration periodically sends notices to the foreign tour operators in order to discourage them from sending tourists to the TRNC.  

Resolution 1267 (2002), which was adopted by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe on 22 January 2002, underlines the fact that the Turkish Cypriot people finds itself ever more isolated from the rest of the world and ignored by the international community and calls upon particularly the Greek Cypriot administration to remove restrictions on the freedom of movement of visitors to either side of the island.   

e)      On 5^th July 1994, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) gave judgement in proceedings (Case C-432/92) initiated by the Greek Cypriots in the English courts. The Court held that member states of the EU could only import fruits and vegetables carrying certificates of origin from the “Republic of Cyprus”.

Taking into consideration the adverse effect of the ECJ decision, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe calls upon the European Union in its Resolution 1267 (2002) to create a clearing mechanism through which products and goods from the TRNC can be exported to the EU without being hampered by the political differences among the two “entities” in Cyprus.

Countries come under Greek Cypriot pressure when they import citrus and other agricultural products from the TRNC. For instance,  on 1 March, 2001 the Greek Cypriot daily, Alithia, reported that upon finding out the Turkish Cypriot  company,  Cypruvex was exporting citrus to Russia and Ukraine the Greek Cypriot administration protested the issue and requested official explanation from Russian and Ukranian Embassies on the Greek Cypriot side. 

f)        A Norwegian Company named Trygve Tønjum Import AS had, for some time, been importing potatoes from Northern Cyprus. Until 1997, the Norwegian agricultural authorities used to accept certificates issued by the TRNC authorities. However, as a result of strong reaction from the Greek Cypriot administration regarding Norwegian import of potatoes from the TRNC, the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, in a letter dated 9 April 1997, addressed to the Norwegian Ministry of Agriculture asked that all imports from Cyprus requiring health certificates must be accompanied by certificates issued only by the “Republic of Cyprus”. This, in spite of the fact that, Norway is not a member of the EU. Acting upon the request of the Norwegian Foreign Ministry, the Norwegian Ministry of Agriculture decided, by Circular M-18/97, dated 23 April 1997, that certificates issued by the authorities of the TRNC would no longer be valid for import of potatoes to Norway as from 1 October 1997. Considering this to be an illegal decision, Trygve Tønjum Import AS instituted legal proceedings against the Norwegian Government and demanded that certificates issued by the TRNC authorities be accepted as they had been before 1997. Until the judicial process is finalised, the importation of TRNC potatoes into Norway cannot take place.

g)      In the only mixed village of Pyla in the UN controlled buffer zone in Cyprus, the Greek Cypriot authorities prevent the Greek Cypriots and visiting tourists from buying anything from Turkish Cypriots. Anybody, including Greek Cypriots, who buy goods from Turkish Cypriots are arrested and fined or jailed by the Greek Cypriot authorities. The situation in Pyla is thus not one of happy, harmonious co-existence but one of hostility and discrimination against Turkish Cypriot inhabitants suffering from dwindled economic income, due to the attitude of the Greek Cypriot side.

On 20 March 2001 the Greek Cypriot daily, Politis, reported that the Greek Cypriot police stopped the car of a Greek Cypriot named Theofilos Papapetru (51) on the Larnaca-Pyla road and found four cases of fish worth 337 Cyprus Pounds in his possession. The fish was confiscated and Papapetreu was put under arrest for two days.

On 27 October, 2000 the Greek Cypriot English language daily, the Cyprus Mail reported that a British expatriate, Mr. Robert Jagger who resided in Paralimni, South Cyprus, was arrested by the Greek Cypriot police for shopping from a Turkish Cypriot owned shop in Pyla. In a letter to the Cyprus Mail Mr. Jagger said he and his son bought two t-shirts each and two pairs of boots from the buffer zone village of Pyla, but were stopped by a plain-clothed police officer as they were leaving the village. The men were arrested and taken first to a nearby police station and then to Larnaca Airport, where the customs officer fined them 30 Cyprus Pounds telling them they could collect the goods when they left the island. Mr. Jagger complained that he did not know buying goods from Pyla was considered illegal by the Greek Cypriot police and that he did not see any signs stating it was illegal to make such purchases. The Greek Cypriot Superintendent Divisional Commander for Larnaca admitted he was not aware that there were no notices in the village explaining to visitors they were not allowed to make purchases and that they would consider erecting signs in Pyla reminding people it is illegal to buy goods there.

h)      In zeal to isolate and ultimately destroy the TRNC the Greek Cypriot authorities resort to any means possible, including threats to maintain the political, economic and cultural embargo on Turkish Cypriots. A recent example of this hostile policy is the Greek Cypriot assault on academic freedom, both in the TRNC and United States. The target is a protocol for mutual cooperation and collaboration between the Eastern Mediterranean University (EMU) and Central Connecticut State University (CCSU), signed six years ago.  When the Greek Cypriot side learned of the protocol through a Turkish Cypriot press report, the Greek Cypriot envoy in Washington DC, lost no time in writing a slanderous letter to the CCSU president. The letter went so far as to threaten the president of the university with legal action in the event that the CCSU failed to cease all cooperation with EMU. Although, both peoples in Cyprus have always had their separate educational systems, even under the 1960 arrangements, in recognition of the distinct ethnic, religious and cultural identity of each people, the Greek Cypriots pretend that education like all other spheres of activity, is within their juristiction as the so-called “Government of Cyprus”.  

i)        As a case of Greek Cypriot chauvinism and intolerance, the incident involving a Greek beauty queen, Miss Katerina Delli, who arrived in the TRNC on 5 June 2000 to take part in the “Miss Globe Beauty Contest” which was held in Girne on 10 June 2000, is indicative of how even the most innocent or non-political subjects can be turned into tormenting affairs in order to serve narrow political ends. 

As a cultural event, the Miss Globe Beauty Contest is acclaimed all around the world as a demonstration of friendship and peace, yet Miss Delli was forced to withdraw from the contest and leave the TRNC within a couple of days as a result of the intense pressure the Greek Cypriot administration brought to bear through the Government of Greece, on Miss Delli and her family. The Greek Cypriot administration heavily criticized Miss Delli, ostensibly for posing in front of the TRNC flag. In his statement dated 8 June 2000 the official spokesman of the Greek Cypriot administration, Mr. Papapetrou, claimed that, Miss Delli had acted illegally and committed an offense by visiting the TRNC. The said administration went as far as portraying the Greek beauty queen as a “traitor” and Miss Delli was stripped of her title upon her return to Greece. 

This bizarre incident, in which the Greek Cypriot administration applied relentless and unbearable pressure on the Greek beauty queen and her family, demonstrates that the Greek Cypriot side uses every opportunity to harass and even threaten the people wishing to visit the TRNC and engage in cultural, social or human contacts with the Turkish Cypriots. 

j)        The most recent example of the Greek Cypriot administration’s hostile policy has been directed against the British banking giant HSBC for its launching of operations in the TRNC.  Britain’s HSBC became the first major foreign bank to open branches in the TRNC when it took over Demirbank, a Turkish bank which had branches throughout Northern Cyprus at the beginning of the New Year. Upon learning HSBC’s establishment in the TRNC, the Greek Cypriot authorities began investigatigating the issue and sent a senior manager of the Greek Cypriot Central Bank, Mr. Andreas Philippou, to London to pressure the British Financial Services Authority to stop HSBC’s operations in the North.  According to the Greek Cypriot weekly,  The Cyprus Weekly of January 11-17, 2002, the Greek Cypriot Finance Minister Mr. Takis Clerides issued further threats and stated that  “If after this, more needs to be done, we will do what it takes and act accordingly.” 

The removal of these inhuman embargoes, which constitute violation of Turkish Cypriot human rights in Cyprus, should not be made contingent upon the solution of the Cyprus issue, as they serve no purpose other than further embittering the relationship between the two parties in Cyprus. Their immediate lifting would clearly remove one of the major impediments in the way of progress towards reconciliation.

In view of the foregoing, it should be abundantly clear that the Cyprus dispute stems from the Greek Cypriot party’s attempts, since their coup on 21 December 1963, against the binational partnership order, to force the Turkish Cypriot people, to accept a reduced political status namely that of a “protected minority”. This is admitted by the Greek Cypriot leader, Mr. Clerides, in his memoirs in the following straightforward manner;

“Just as the Greek Cypriot preoccupation was that Cyprus should be a Greek Cypriot state, with a protected Turkish Cypriot minority, the Turkish preoccupation was to defeat any such effort and maintain the partnership concept, which in their opinion the Zurich Agreement created between the two communities. The conflict, therefore, was a conflict of principle and for that principle both sides were prepared to go on arguing and even, if need be, to fight, rather than compromise.

The same principle is still in conflict, even today…”

(“My Deposition”, Vol.3, p.105)

Since 1963 the Greek Cypriot side, which has been using its usurped title as the “Government of Cyprus” as a political weapon, has continued to reject the concept of a new partnership based on equality with the Turkish Cypriot party, thus frustrating the long standing process of talks held under UN auspices.

It is, therefore, imperative that a fresh and realistic approach conductive to progress in the negotiations be adopted in order to open the way for reconciliation. The fact that there are two distinct national peoples and two separate independent States in Cyprus is an indisputable reality. Acknowledgement of this reality is what is needed in order for negotiations conducted on the basis of equality to bear fruit.

Lefkoþa, February 2002